Huge blow to Abdullah's leadership

Huge blow to Abdullah's leadership

KUALA LUMPUR, June 18 — No matter what spin is applied Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi today suffered a blow to his stature as the leader of Malaysia.

It does not matter whether Parliament Speaker Tan Sri Pandikar Amin Mulia will allow the two Sabah Progressive Party (SAPP) MPs to table a motion of no confidence against the prime minister on Monday.

It does not matter that the procedure to table a motion has not been followed (14 days notice must be given). It does not even matter whether the motion is defeated soundly on the House floor as it is likely to be.

By announcing their plan to table a motion of no confidence, Datuk Yong Teck Lee and the SAPP have already achieved what they set out to do - embarrass and humiliate Abdullah.

The message that Yong wants to send to the rest of Malaysia is that the PM is weak and he should be replaced as the head of Barisan Nasional.

This is probably the first time in history that a prime minister of Malaysia is facing the threat of a motion of no confidence from an MP from within the ruling coalition

At a press conference in Kota Kinabalu today, Tawau MP Datuk Chua Soon Bui said that the party had lost confidence in the PM’s leadership. She then read out a statement which listed the reasons why SAPP would support motion of no confidence against Abdullah.

• No concrete action had been taken on the issue of illegal immigrants despite repeated requests by SAPP and other BN parties.

• No holistic economic solutions had been offered by the government to cushion sudden increase in petrol prices which had burdened the public.

• Not enough attention had been paid to issues raised by the people of Sabah including corruption, poor development.

• People have lost confidence in Abdullah and if he cannot perform, he should step aside and make way for another leader.

The statement was signed by Datuk Chu and Datuk Eric Majumbin (MP for Sepanggar), the party’s two representatives in Parliament. Conspicuous by his absence was Yong, SAPP’s president and architect of the no-confidence motion plan.

Yong has been upset with Abdullah since before the general election when his request to contest the Kota Kinabalu parliamentary seat was turned down by the BN leadership.

Following BN’s dismal performance in Election 2008, Yong criticised Abdullah on a slew of issues, the lack of senior Cabinet positions for Sabah MPs, paucity of appointments for Sabahans in senior government positions and the illegal immigrant problem in the state.

He met Abdullah and gave the PM until August to resolve the outstanding issues. During the same time, he met Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim twice, leading to speculation that SAPP was going to quit BN and join Pakatan Rakyat.

In recent days, Yong has told BN colleagues that he was leaning towards making SAPP an independent political party. He believed that there was a good chance of BN and Umno being defeated in the next general elections and felt that it was a good strategy to fight for the interest of Sabahans first and decide later which coalition to join.

Yong’s rhetoric has grown more anti-federal, even suggesting that Labuan should be returned to Sabah. Datuk Chu said that a decision will be made on Friday on whether SAPP will remain in BN.

Several BN politicians said that Abdullah could have hushed Yong by offering him a senatorship but others felt that nothing could have dissuaded the SAPP from its course of action save for a promise by the federal government to give Sabah more political autonomy.

Abdullah’s critics and political foes have pounced on news of the possible motion of no confidence with glee.

Anwar said: "Congratulations and salutations for the firm bravery of SAPP and its two members of Parliament for defending the rights of Malaysians, especially those from Sabah."

DAP’s Lim Kit Siang added: "Whether the SAPP no-confidence motion is tabled and debated in Parliament on Monday, it’s very pronouncement has set off political waves in the country, confirming the longstanding, widespread and deep-seated discontent of the people of Sabah at their unfair treatment by Umno leaders, whether at federal or state level."

The no-confidence motion is also a reminder of how the landscape has changed since March 8 – where the fear and respect of the PM within BN is no longer guaranteed.

Sabah party divided on opposing PM

KOTA KINABALU, June 18 — Expect fireworks in the Sabah Progressive Party (SAPP) within the next few days.

Datuk Raymond Tan, the party’s deputy president, told senior Barisan Nasional politicians that he was blindsided by party president Datuk Yong Teck Lee’s plan to table a motion of no confidence in Parliament against Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

The deputy chief minister of Sabah also said that he did not know that Yong had met de facto Opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim twice since Election 2008.

A government official told The Malaysian Insider: "The deputy CM is not pleased at all with what is happening. He says that the SAPP did not discuss or agree on this no-confidence move."

It is understood that Tan spoke to Abdullah last night. SAPP has two MPs and four state assemblymen. Its two MPs signed a statement saying that they had lost confidence in Abdullah’s leadership and wanted to table a motion of no confidence against the PM on Monday.

They said that they had reached this decision because Abdullah had not taken strong measures to tackle the illegal immigrant problem in Sabah; had not employed holistic solutions to the recent increase in petrol prices and had not looked after the interest of Sabahans

Abdullah hit back last night saying that he had not been able to satisfy Yong’s "personal greed". The PM has called for a Barisan Nasional supreme council meeting on Thursday when he is likely to detail some of Yong’s demands to him, including an appointment as a senator followed by a position in the Cabinet.

BN officials believe that the motion of no-confidence gambit was planted in Yong’s mind by Anwar and are prepared for a flurry of surprises from the former deputy prime minister over the next few days. They believe this will be Anwar’s best opportunity to build some momentum and make good his boast of being able to force the crossover of more than 30 BN MPs to Pakatan Rakyat.

Anwar has promised to form the new government by Sept 16.

SAPP chief: Some MPs may go independent

KUALA LUMPUR, June 18 — Sabah Progessive Party (SAPP) president Datuk Yong Teck Lee today indicated that some elected representatives from Sabah abandoning Barisan Nasional (BN) will become independent representatives.

The former Sabah chief minister also ruled out the possibility of these "independent MPs" and state assemblymen joining Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR)-led Pakatan Rakyat should they decide to quit the ruling coalition.

Yong, who has been critical of Abdullah's political decisions on Sabah and what he described as "unpopular" measures pertaining to fuel price hikes and illegal immigrants' issues in the state, said they were not keen to cross over to a peninsula-based Opposition party.

"We don't want that. What we want is if there is any political party in the state, it should be a Sabah-based party, looking after the affairs in the state and its people," he said in an interview with Bernama in Kota Kinabalu recently.

"We don't foresee ourselves joining any other peninsula-based opposition party if we ever decide to dump BN. Maybe only in terms of a loose coalition."

He, however, declined to say whether SAPP itself would leave the BN.

"Let's wait and see," said Yong, who declared in Kota Kinabalu today that the party's two members of parliament (Sepanggar and Tawau) would support a motion for a vote of no confidence against the prime minister in the coming Parliament sitting on Monday.

Several SAPP leaders said that a number of Sabah politicians from other parties had shown interest in joining the "coalition of independent representatives".

"It's not just SAPP only. It will be a bigger coalition of independent members of parliament and assemblymen, at least until the next general election," said one leader who declined to identified.

It is learnt that 10 to 18 Sabah MPs and assemblymen would announce their decision to quit BN and jump-start the "independents pack" in a matter of days.

"Just watch out for this Saturday. It could be another political tsunami," an aide to the SAPP chief said.

Meanwhile, a political observer said several MPs from Sabah could announce their stance in the BN after the SAPP holds its emergency supreme council meeting on Friday.

Yong said he had nothing personal against the prime minister and his last meeting with Abdullah on May 13 in Kuala Lumpur had been very cordial.

"That was when I made it quite clear so that I was not misunderstood, I said it three times, that although there was no crossover as speculated, the prime minister should not rule out the possiblity of this happening sometime in the future because the issues are real, the MPs are serious," he said. — Bernama

Statement by YBM Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah

Thursday, 19 June 2008
For months I have been telling Umno and the Prime Minister about the people's lack of confidence in the present leadership. Repeating the mistakes that led to the thrashing we received at the Elections, our leaders have remained complacent and live in denial

Today's developments around SAPP in Sabah point to the depth of the leadership crisis facing the country. The top leadership of BN and of Umno has lost all credibility, and our component parties are rethinking their relationship with us. This should come as no surprise except to those who have been living in complete denial.

In its management of the economy ]this leadership has lacked vision and shown a disturbing inability to plan and execute. The haphazard and wavering way in which petrol subsidies were recently removed damaged the government's credibility in managing the economy at a time when we face very serious economic challenges and our people are hurting

Politically, instead of listening, the leadership silences voices from the ground calling for change and suppresses democratic processes set out by the party constitution. Instead of change we have been getting media and political manipulation. I warned openly of SAPP's impending action a week ago, but until yesterday night the leadership dismissed my warning out of hand and the Prime Minister said he knew nothing

I want what is best for Umno, and I have put myself on the line to reform Umno. If our leaders refuse to face reality, I fear the worst for the party and this government.

Tahniah kepada SAPP

Thursday, 19 June 2008
Tahniah dan salut perjuangan kerana ketegasan dan keberanian SAPP dan dua ahli Parlimen mereka mempertahankan hak rakyat khususnya Sabah.

Saya telah mengadakan dua perbincangan sabelum ini dengan Dato Yong Tek Lee, presiden dan pimpinan SAPP.

Isu pokok adalah berkaitan good governance atau pengurusan pemerintahan baik dan mematuhi prinsip pertanggungjawaban.

Jaminan keadilan bagi rakyat, bumiputra dan lainnya termasuk Sabah. Kita menjamin 20 peratus royalti minyak kapada Sabah, Sarawak dan Trengganu, serta perwakilan yang adil bagi negeri Sabah dan Sarawak.

Saya gembira dengan tindakan awal ini dan menyeru supaya rakan-rakan lain segera bertindak demi menjamin politik yang stabil dan pengurusan ekonomi cekap yang akan menjamin pertumbuhan pantas serta pengagihan adil

ANWAR IBRAHIM

Parlimen akan gempar dengan usul tidak percaya terhadap PM

Thursday, 19 June 2008
(Harakah) - Pengumuman yang dinantikan seluruh rakyat Malaysia akhirnya terjawab hari ini apabila ahli Parlimen Parti Progresif Sabah (SAPP) didakwa akan mengemukakan usul undi tidak percaya terhadap Perdana Menteri, Dato' Seri Ahmad Badawi dalam sidang Dewan Rakyat Isnin ini.

Tindakan ini adalah sejarah yang mungkin tidak dapat dilupakan Perdana Menteri dan rakyat Malaysia bahawa usul tidak percaya akan dikemukakan terhadap perdana menteri.

"Sewaku sidang Dewan Rakyat mulai Isnin ini, 23 Jun, ahli-ahli Parlimen kita akan menyokong undi tidak percaya kepada PM.

Sama ada usul itu akan dikemukakan oleh ahli Parlimen kita atau ahli Parlimen lain, akan diputuskan bila tiba masanya,ujar satu kenyataan yang tersiar dalam satu laporan hari ini.

SAPP mempunyai dua ahli Parlimen, iaitu Dato' Dr Chua Soon Bui (Tawau) dan Dato' Eric Enchin Majimbun (Sepanggar) selain empat ahli dewan undangan negeri.

Majimbun yang kini berada di luar negeri, telah menyatakan sokongannya terhadap keputusan parti itu dengan menandatangan kenyataan tersebut.

Chua turut hadir dalam sidang akhbar yang diadakan khas di Kota Kinabalu memberi empat sebab mengapa beliau menyokong usul tidak percaya terhadap PM itu.

Walaupun seruan demi seruan dibuat oleh SAPP kepada Abdullah berkaitan dengan isu pendatang tanpa izin, tetapi tindakan tidak dilakukan.

Selain itu beliau menyatakan tindakan menaikan harga bahan api yang dibuat tanpa perancangan, telah menyebabkan rakyat miskin di Sabah khasnya menjadi miskin tegar.

Selain itu, beliau berkata selaku pemimpin yang dipilih oleh rakyat sekiranya ketidakpuasan hati rakyat Sabah terhadap sistem penyampaian yang tidak cekap, rasuah, pembaziran, tiada ketelusan dan akauntabiliti diketepikan.

"Rakyat telah hilang kepercayaan terhadap kepimpinan kerajaan di bawah Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

"SAPP juga berpendapat bahawa sekiranya pemimpin atasan tidak boleh melaksanakan tanggungjawab dengan berkesan, ia seharusnya berundur dan memberi laluan kepada pemimpin lain mengambil alih," katanya.

Pakatan Rakyat to test its strength with no-confidence motion against PM

By Reme Ahmad, The Straits Times

MALAYSIA'S opposition leaders insist their alliance is not cracking under the strain of the sensational sodomy accusations against Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim.

Indeed, they want to test their strength as early as today after having filed a motion of no-confidence with the Speaker's Office against Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi, said a senior official of Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR).

'We have filed a notice of a no-confidence motion against Abdullah Badawi.

'It is up to the Speaker when to allow this to be debated. We hope it will be right away,' Mr Saifuddin Nasution, PKR's director of strategy and an MP, told The Straits Times yesterday.

The opposition Pakatan Rakyat (PR) alliance needs to reverse the negative tide generated by the allegation that its leader Anwar had sodomised a young man.

It hopes that the no-confidence motion would put Prime Minister Abdullah and his government back on the defensive.

The PR alliance consists of the multi-ethnic PKR, the Chinese-led Democratic Action Party (DAP) and conservative Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS).

The role played by Mr Anwar in the alliance has been crucial because he managed to cobble together a cohesive force from three disparate opposition parties.

This union went on to deal the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition its biggest electoral drubbing in the March 8 general election.

But it took some years to convince most PAS leaders to accept Mr Anwar as the opposition de facto leader, analysts pointed out.

This was because Mr Anwar, when he was a top Umno leader, had often attacked PAS. The former deputy prime minister's reputation had also been tarnished by the first allegation of sodomy in 1998.

'This new scandal will weaken Pakatan because there are already conservative groups in PAS who are wary of Anwar. This will make it worse,' said political analyst Sayuti Omar.

But the alliance members disagree.

'As far as PAS is concerned, people are now more than ever with us because they do not believe this old plot,' said PAS vice-president Husam Musa.

The opposition leaders are also confident that Malaysian voters are still with the alliance despite the sensational allegation.

'The Malays were apprehensive of Pakatan due to concerns over loss of Malay rights and respect for the sultan. But now, they can see the fuel price hike and this sodomy allegation which people do not believe,' said Mr Liew Chin Tong, an MP and a strategist for the DAP.

Still, it is not clear if the Speaker of the House will allow the no-confidence motion to be debated.

On June 23, the Deputy Speaker refused to allow debate on an opposition motion over the alleged links of Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak's wife in the murder of a Mongolian interpreter.

Another no-confidence motion that was to have been supported by a small government party from Sabah also did not materialise.

On that same day, a motion on the fuel price increases saw the BN getting 129 votes of support against 78 cast by the Pakatan Rakyat opposition alliance.

BN has 140 MPs in Parliament, while PR has 82.

The opposition says one early and concrete measure of its strong public support was seen at a rally in Ipoh last Sunday, where Mr Anwar was originally scheduled to speak on the fuel price increases.

Online newspaper Malaysiakini reported that the crowd was around 20,000-strong.

'I spoke to them, and I could see from the claps and the shouts that they are behind us,' said the PKR's Mr Saifuddin.

The ground shifts, again
The Malaysian Insider

KUALA LUMPUR, July 1 ─ Everyone watching Malaysian politics knew something had to give sooner or later. If it wasn’t the anti-climatic “vote of no confidence” from the Sabah-based Barisan Nasional component party SAPP, it would come sooner or later whether on Sept 16 or, at the latest, during the Umno General Assembly in December.
The smart man would not have bet on Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi celebrating New Year as the Prime Minister of Malaysia. Either Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim would have exercised his crossover option and seized power or the Deputy Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak, would have ousted Abdullah in the party polls.

How things change in a few days.

Two recent developments have thrown the entire Malaysian political system into haywire and now all bets are off.

First was blogger Raja Petra Kamaruddin’s stunning statutory declaration which, among other things, alleged, based on hearsay, that Najib’s wife Rosmah Mansor was present at the scene when Mongolian model Altantuya Shaariibuu was blown up by a pack of C4 explosives.

Raja Petra alleged that a military intelligence report of the crime was passed to Abdullah, who in turn passed it to his son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin for safekeeping.

Second was the equally sensational police report made by college dropout Saiful Bukhari Azhar that he was sodomised by Anwar against his will while working as a special assistant to the de facto Opposition leader.
The main protagonists mentioned in Raja Petra’s declaration have all come out to strenuously deny the allegations made against them and police investigations are on-going with statements taken from Rosmah and Khairy.

Anwar, meanwhile, has been in and out of the Turkish Embassy in Kuala Lumpur claiming that his life is in danger and that Saiful’s allegations are part of a Government conspiracy to engineer his downfall, just like what his former mentor Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad did in 1998.

Whatever the truth is in both cases, it matters very little.

Malaysian politics over the last few years does not concern itself with the truth. It is obsessed with perception, true or otherwise. Often whoever spins the best story on the Internet, in the numerous blogs that have mushroomed in the face of state-controlled media, gains the trust of the public. In these two cases the same has happened.

Although many find Raja Petra’s declaration ludicrous, Najib has struggled with the perception that he and his wife are somehow connected with the Altantuya murder. The perception that links Najib to the Altantuya case refuses to go away partly because the man at the centre of the controversy, Abdul Razak Abdullah Baginda, was known to be a close friend and advisor to Najib.

It is also unfortunate that Razak was also involved in the Scorpene submarine deal which the Opposition alleges resulted in huge kickbacks for people connected to the transaction. Strengthening this perception is the role played by Musa Safri, Najib’s chief bodyguard, who referred Razak to the alleged Altantuya murderers who were then members of the police’s special action unit.

So while Najib has come out to strongly deny his involvement and Rosmah’s presence at the scene of Altantuya’s murder, many analysts and observers feel that the damage from Raja Petra’s declaration has been done. Unfortunately for Najib, he is also struggling in the perception battle over Saiful’s allegations of being sodomised by Anwar.

Whether Barisan Nasional leaders like it or not, many Malaysians never believed Anwar was a homosexual. The original trial that put Anwar away in prison saw the public prosecutor changing the date of the alleged offence, a fundamental error that for many confirmed their suspicions that this was a conspiracy to get rid of Anwar.

So when Anwar’s wife Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail flashed a photo at a recent press conference of Saiful posing at Najib’s office with one of his senior aides, many jumped to the obvious conclusion that this was all a ploy by Najib’s camp to eliminate Anwar from the Malaysian political equation.

Again, although Najib had to explain that Saiful visited his office to request for a scholarship before he started working for Anwar, in the court of public perception many refused to buy that explanation. So as far as the Kuala Lumpur chattering class is concerned, the biggest loser in both cases is Najib.

For many who dabble in the politics of perception, they don’t believe that Abdullah has been tainted as much. For all his weaknesses, Abdullah is generally not seen to be Machiavellian in his ways and public perception has excluded him from both knowledge of and involvement in the Altantuya murder to any role in the latest allegations against Anwar. This has an impact on national politics.

Before Raja Petra’s declaration, Najib had a clear path to the Prime Minister’s office. Rank-and-file Umno stalwarts were piling the pressure on Abdullah to retire before the party polls at the end of the year. Senior Cabinet members like Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yaasin and Datuk Seri Dr Rais Yatim openly hinted that if Abdullah didn’t bow out gracefully, he would be thrown out like Tun Ghafar Baba in 1993.

Abdullah was clinging on just because Najib allowed him to. There was apparently at first a secret handshake between the two men that Najib would not challenge Abdullah as long as the Prime Minister gave a specific date for his retirement. When Abdullah was hesitant to commit to a date for fear of being a lame duck leader, Najib’s camp began stepping up the pressure. They joined up with their once arch-nemesis, Muhyiddin’s supporters, to begin rallying enough nominations for Najib and Muhyiddin as the party’s main ticket in December. And then things fell apart.

Although the Raja Petra declaration and the allegations against Anwar have largely not changed the equation in Umno, Najib’s public perception seems to have been affected. As far as Umno members are concerned, they still want to get rid of Abdullah and install Najib by December. But they must not underestimate public perception. They must not think that Umno is an island unaffected by the way the rest of the country thinks. That is the mistake they made during the last general election.

Umno was too Umno-centric and forgot about the rest of the country. As a result, BN was punished. Today, the man who is worse off in the public’s eyes is not Abdullah but Najib.

Abdullah’s problems – ineffectiveness, weak leadership and nepotism – are more innocuous compared with the issues associated with Najib – the Altantnuya case and political conspiracy. Anwar would relish at the thought of having just Najib to deal with. And this is precisely Anwar’s strategy. He is piling the pressure on Najib to force the Deputy Prime Minister to oust Abdullah now rather than later.

Anwar believes that Najib thinks he can survive this onslaught only if he quickly replaced Abdullah as Prime Minister in order to use all state apparatus to fight for his political survival. By hitting Najib hard, Anwar is hoping for Najib to lose patience with Abdullah’s soft approach and force the Prime Minister out. Then Anwar will get what he wants – a PM with public perception problems.

Umno cannot see this. In its haste to dump Abdullah, it forgets one fact: with Abdullah gone and a severely damaged Najib to contend with, Anwar will be much closer to his endgame that Umno is aware.

Pak Lah must consider here and now, not hereafter

The Malaysian Insider

ANALYSIS
JULY 3 ─ With each passing day it is becoming abundantly clear that Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi will have to overcome one major obstacle if he wants to survive the cut throat world of Umno politics ─ his God-fearing nature.

The Prime Minister has told politicians and friends that he must be able to face his Maker on the day of judgment with a clear conscience and be able to answer for all his actions. In the early days of his first term in office, this was taken as a virtue, a moral compass by which Abdullah ran the ruling party and the government.

Today, his supporters feel that he should temper his preoccupation with how he is scoring on God's report card with a sense of realpolitik. The way they see it, Abdullah has to show a ruthless streak, threaten, cajole and sack his political opponents.

Only then will party warlords ─ who fear the use of raw power more than anything else ─ will fall in line, give him the nominations he needs to defend the party president's position in December and think twice before they support his opponents.

So in the past few weeks, his officials, menteris besar and ministers have urged him to sack Minister of International Trade and Industry Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin and Foreign Minister Datuk Seri Rais Yatim from the Cabinet for undermining him.

Their contention is simple: the appointment of a minister is the sole prerogative of the PM. If a minister does not have confidence in the leadership of the PM, then he should either resign or be sacked.

They noted that Muhyiddin has criticised Abdullah in Umno meetings and suggested that he step down before the party polls. He has also met Datuk Seri Najib Razak and floated the idea of an alliance between the two. Umno officials affiliated to him have been going to the ground, seeking nominations on behalf of Najib and Muhyiddin for the top two positions in the party.

Now the talk is that between RM2 million and RM4 million is being spent per division by those who want Abdullah to get fewer than the 58 nominations needed to defend the party president's position.

Abdullah has been given evidence that there is a move to humiliate him and force him out of office but he has chosen not to move. His supporters are upset that he has not taken any action against Muhyiddin, who in the days after March 8 pleaded with the PM to be given the Miti portfolio.

Several senior Umno politicians have approached Abdullah and asked him to sack Rais, noting that the Foreign Minister was undermining and ridiculing him on the ground. A government official told The Malaysian Insider: "Pak Lah needs to be ruthless and sack his ministers who are against him. Only then will he be able to control the Umno warlords.''

So far, Abdullah has rebuffed calls for him to move against his opponents in the Cabinet.

His supporters also feel that he should exercise the powers of incumbency and this includes the Special Branch, the Anti-Corruption Agency, the Inland Revenue Board. In this way, he will keep his Barisan MPs in check and dissuade them from joining the Opposition.

One of his supporters likened the current situation to a war, with Abdullah and his troops on one side and the Pakatan Rakyat and their soldiers on the other. Anyone who breaks ranks in a war is guilty of treason.

"Datuk Yong Teck Lee is guilty of a serious offence and should be treated with little sympathy by the PM. All the powers of the state should be brought to bear against him, '' said the official.

Just after the Sabah Progressive Party chief said that it had lost confidence in the leadership of Abdullah, the ACA announced that it would investigate an allegation that Yong paid a bribe of RM5 million in a case involving a state-owned company.

Political watchers speculated that this was the start of tough action by Abdullah to rein in his critics. But till today ─ two weeks later ─ the ACA have not questioned Yong.

Yong, Muhyiddin, Rais know that they are on safe ground when it comes to confronting Abdullah. He will promise tough action, huff and puff but will be slow to reply to their insubordination with a muscular and ruthless reply.

Why? Because his eyes are fixed on judgment day, and for him that day does not fall on Sept 16 or this December.

Critics pick on Abdullah's economic Achilles heel

Written by St Low
Tuesday, 08 July 2008

JULY 7 - The respite is over. Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's political enemies are training their guns on his vulnerable spot - his management of the economy in these days of rising costs.
His critics believe that policy flip-flops and the Prime Minister's limited grasp of macroeconomic issues need to be attacked repeatedly at a time when the headlines in the country is dominated by allegations of sodomy against Opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak's alleged involvement with Mongolian model Altantutya Shariibuu.

Anwar in his blog today noted that the public was disgusted with cosmetic changes and plans put forward by Abdullah and Najib. "Their inability to manage the economy was proven when they failed to ensure that oil prices were at a level which did not burden the people.

"At the same time their family members and cronies are raiding the national treasury, '' he said. For the past few weeks, Anwar has directed his vitriol at Najib. But sensing that there is growing dissatisfaction over the rising cost of living and the sense of drift in the country, the Opposition leader today pounced on Abdullah.

Weighing in with his own criticism today was Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad. He argued that Malaysia would become a third-world country if the Abdullah administration focused solely on politics.

The former prime minister has used his blog to exhibit his knowledge of the challenges facing the Malaysian economy and an array of solutions. By doing so, he is reminding the public that what the country needs most at this time is a chief executive with the ability to think outside the box and set clear policies.

Someone in the mould of Mahathir circa 1998. Ten years ago, the then prime minister went against conventional wisdom, refusing to accept the advice of the International Monetary Fund and imposed currency controls. He was criticized for taking the country down that path but later experts said that the move cushioned the impact of the Asian financial meltdown on Malaysia.

Abdullah's supporters know the management of the economy is not his strong suit. They also know that there will be increasing focus on his leadership when the wheels of the economy slow down further in the months ahead.

- The Malaysian Insider

The 9th Malaysia Plan derailed!


Wednesday, 09 July 2008
The BN government has not only opened the flood-gate of inflation but more irresponsibly, the flood-gate of stagflation. Inflation is expected to skyrocket to 8% this year. Even the BNM is predicting an inflation of 6% in June.

Dr Dzulkefly Ahmad, MP for Kuala Selangor

The 9-MP, after over two years since its launching on 31 March 2006 by the premier Abdullah, was again tabled in the parliament for a mid-term review, and debate would be concluded this week. Despite impressive numbers being highlighted by the report, one couldn’t help noting the ‘bearish’ mood by many a parliamentarian.

Strangely, the MPs on the government bench included. Especially those from across the South China Sea, who have patiently and religiously waited for the 5 decades to see basic infrastructures of decent roads and utilities of electricity and clean water to their remote homes and schools, their children go to.

Pathetic- Saya Mohon Menyokong

However, their relentless pleas sounded absolutely pathetic when literally every one of them ended or perhaps coerced to end their submission with the grossly contradictory apologia “Saya mohon menyokong”. Support what? After all the counter-arguments?

Little wonder why their folks have been marginalized all these donkey years save the super-rich political masters and the ‘warlords’ among them. Doubtless, the MPs on the other divide had a field day. This writer is admittedly and remorselessly one.

Lest you think we took pleasure in doing it, you were mistaken. As hard as it is to sympathize with them for their denial, they deserve the sympathy. It truly bled our hearts having to debate for the obvious and the most mundane of life necessities in the August House, nothing close to rocket science.

No Malaysians of an upright frame of mind, regardless on whichever side of the divide you stand on or from any socio-economic ladder you happen to be, would like to see the 9-MP failed.

Reasons Understandable – But....

Yes we could understand that the mid-term review was tabled on the back of a rising global crude oil aggravated by the sub-prime crisis in the US and by Hedge Fund managers investing and ‘manipulating’ commodities prices in the Futures and Derivative markets including crude oil. Yes we could put the blame on many others including the increased demands in food and energy from the emerging economies called BRIC - Brazil, Russia, India and China.

These were all understandable. All the more their (read BN) actions shouldn’t exacerbate the impact on our national economy. But what seems most intriguing and least understood were their total failure to realize that they blissfully shot their own feet, nay all our feet and the 9-MP.

The fuel hike of 41% and 63% of petrol and diesel price respectively and now the tariff hike in electricity of 26% have in fact derailed the 9-MP!

Inflation and Stagflation – Double Whammy

The BN government has not only opened the flood-gate of inflation but more irresponsibly, the flood-gate of stagflation. Inflation is expected to skyrocket to 8% this year. Even the BNM is predicting an inflation of 6% in June. But ‘stagflation’, being an outcome of drastic reduction in growth on the back of massive inflation, with its subsequent impact on unemployment, would be even more catastrophic for the nation and all.

This is my assertion and I will stand my ground until proven wrong. To commit saying that there’s barely any reason to debate the mid-term review may be too arrogant or presumptuous.

But the findings and assessment of the review, now that circumstances have drastically changed, may arguably require another review. This is very deplorable but regrettably true. The impact of this reckless policy is pervasive much as it is abhorred. For the constraint of space, I will be as usual selective.

Poverty Eradication and the ‘New Poor’

There are 5 main thrusts of the 9-MP also dubbed the National Mission. Let’s focus at thrust 3 that addresses the persistent socio-economic inequalities, with six key strategies. I would only like to focus on one, namely poverty eradication, while leaving the rest to the imagination of readers; on aspects like improving income distribution or redressing regional imbalances.

According to the report, the overall incidence of poverty among Malaysians has been reduced to 3.6 % in 2007 from 5.7 % in 2004. The number of poor households has also declined by 33% from 311,300 to 209,000 over the same period. The decline has been attributed to steady economic growth.

Poverty has declined in both rural and urban areas. The incidence of urban poverty has been reduced from 2.5% in 2004 to 2.0% in 2007; whereas in rural areas, the incidence of poverty has been significantly reduced from 11.9% to 7.1%. Impressive? Perhaps.

But what has the recent fuel hike, after having triggered inflation and the pending stagflation do to the entire effort of poverty eradication? They derail it!

The report on poverty eradication now requires another review. Let us now face the Painful Truth. The above report hinges on the assumption that the Poverty Income Level (PIL) or Poverty Line Index (PLI) of RM691 per month used translates itself as 3.7% poverty rate ie a drop from 5.7% in 2004.

But everyone understands that this assumption is no longer tenable and especially after the reckless withdrawal of RM13.7 billions subsidy and the fuel and tariff hike. I would be generous enough to not quote any other numbers on the actual PIL or PLI, including a recent World Bank report.

But even hinging on the deputy finance minister’s proposal, Tan Sri Amirsham Aziz that PIL be raised to RM1500, a more likely number for a household of 5, the country’s overall poverty incidence will be increased to 24.3%! So there goes our poverty eradication targets derailed in the 9-MP! This is the ‘New Poor’ that must be in the review.

Imagine the fate and sufferings of the1.8 millions senior citizens who would be hard hit by the recent fuel hike. More than 300,000 receive pension, while others lived on their EPF and savings. Pensioners from the clerical and support staff, to cite but one example, who are receiving RM 300 to 600 a month, will find their values reduced to RM150 to RM300. With inflation their real value of income and saving has significantly diminished. Their joys when told about a raise ended so quickly with the rising cost after the fuel hike and the soaring inflation.

The review requires another review to ensure the target of poverty eradication to 2.8% by the end of of the 9-MP in 2010!

Latest Snapshot of Business – Grueling Times Coming

A latest snapshot of business condition amply provides for the deepening economic scenarios to come. The Sunday Star 6 July 2008 carries on its frontpage “Desperate times force contractors to turn down government jobs”. Imagine that? Rising prices of building materials have started a ‘tsunami’ in the construction industry. At least 200 contractors have returned their government jobs as they are unable to bear the escalating costs. House buyers are worried that the rising costs would be passed to them or their projects would be abandoned. Worse still will NPLs rock our financial sector again?

A house that cost RM100,000 will now cost RM130,000, with the prices of building materials up by 15 to 30%. Steeel bars now cost RM4,100 per tonne while in June it costs them RM3,500. Cement: RM13.45 a bag RM10.95 in June. Mix concrete : RM190 per cubic metre as compared to RM160 in June. Copper : RM 28, 275 per tonne cf RM3900 3 years ago.

SMEs from all sectors of enterprises; manufacturing, construction, food industry etc will be adversely affected with the rising cost of literally everything. Being the drivers of growth and employing 5 millions of the workforce of the country, their remaining above water level is vital to the national economy.

But their fates are hanging on the balance while their businesses are subjected to very challenging times. Will they last? For how much longer? How many will go down? Surely they will downsize and place cost-cutting measures, to maintain profit margin but at whose expense? The answer is obvious.

A thorough deliberation of the review is in order. Are we really moving up the value chain as wanted by the Thrust 1 of the 9-MP? Our export still rests on exporting CPO rather than the oleo-chemical products, reflective of higher value chain. So much for rhetoric that has actually turned our MTDC and MIMOS white elephants. While Silicon Valley and Boston are essentially driven by universities like Berkeley, Stanford or MIT, our Cyberjaya is intellectually barren. You couldn’t even regard the MMU as a research university. The political intervention in higher learning is stifling academia and research.

TFP or KDI?

The Total Factor Productivity (TFP) in the review may best be described as Totally False Proposition, as cynically labeled by a local Professor of Technology and Innovation. A better index would be to look at the Knowledge Development Index (KDI). It’s not about new industries and infrastructures. It’s about intensifying knowledge-intensity of the enterprises. It’s also not about what you could do but how fast could you do it! But space may not be permitting to debate all these in depth.

But very unfortunately, the BN leadership has a penchant to solve economic problems politically as if we could buy our way out of all economic woes and as though our funds and resources were infinite and limitless. Hence their fondness for announcing billions of ringgit in buying out of crisis. To cite one was the RM 4 billion in the recent food crisis or RM1.13 trillions in the 5 corridors on the verge of the last GE and now the additional RM 30 billions for the 9-MP, notwithstanding the mega-wastages in compensating failed projects (Broga, Johore Bridge CIQ etc).

As easy as they had announced the mega-projects, they could easily do a ‘flip-flop’ in the next instant. God forbids. It shouldn’t suffer the fate of the Penang Monorail or the PORR or perhaps many others to come in the 9-MP. Is the premier doing – ‘a dog chasing its own tail’?

What is certain for now is, ‘The BN government has indeed derailed the 9-MP’.

I rest my case.

Snippets - Gula-Gula

Posted by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at July 8, 2008 10:20 AM |

1. Pentadbiran negara Malaysia disusun mengikut cara-cara yang telah ditentukan oleh Peraturan-Peraturan Umum (General Orders) dan tata-tertib yang perlu dituruti dalam segala urusan Kerajaan. Tidak ada kebebasan kepada sesiapa untuk membuat sesuka hati mereka walau apa pun jawatan yang dipegang.

2. Perbelanjaan Kerajaan perlu mengikuti proses-proses tertentu (Financial General Orders). Pembangunan dibiayai oleh peruntukan wang dalam perancangan dan anggaran dalam Rancangan Lima Tahun dan belanjawan tiap-tiap tahun.

3. Sekarang kita lihat duit Kerajaan dibelanja sebagai gula-gula untuk mengatasi masalah politik Perdana Menteri.

4. Kerana perasaan tidak puas hati orang Sabah dan Sarawak dengan agihan jawatan Menteri dalam Kabinet. Perdana Menteri dalam lawatannya ke negeri-negeri ini telah tabur duit berbilion Ringgit untuk projek-projek yang tidak ada dalam Rancangan Malaysia Ke-sembilan dan bajet bagi tahun ini atau tahun lain.

5. Wang Kerajaan diurus seolah-oleh duit sendiri. Dahulu Kerajaan mengagih peruntukan dalam bajet mengikut cara-cara yang tertakluk kepada peraturan-peraturan. Memang ada kawasan yang dapat lebih dan yang dapat kurang. Tetapi Kerajaan tidak pernah dan tidak boleh dengan tiba-tiba mengadakan wang dan menabur wang ini sesuka hati Perdana Menteri tanpa kajian, perancangan dan kelulusan oleh badan-badan yang bertanggungjawab, termasuk Jemaah Menteri.

6. Jika kita beri duit untuk dapat sokongan, iaitu undi, ini dianggap rasuah, apakah apa yang dilakukan oleh Perdana Menteri bukan rasuah?

Kuan Yew ‘dismayed’ by Thai, Malaysian problems

SINGAPORE, July 10 — In remarks on recent developments in Thailand and Malaysia, Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew said — in response to a question on the future of the Asian region — that he is filled with “dismay” that these two countries have run into severe problems:
“It fills me with dismay because these were potentially promising countries, promising economies, but now they've run into some very severe problems.

“Why? Because in Thailand, they say corruption. So to stop the corruption, they have a coup. Then they have another election. But the election does not solve the problem of getting (former) Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's influence removed. So they have all kinds of new rules and laws to disqualify his party or the new party... So as a consequence, you look at the stock markets, it's gone down. The economy is sound, the politics is a problem.

“You look at Malaysia. The economy. It is one of the wealthiest countries in the region. It's got oil, it's got gas, it's got palm oil. All the commodities it has. It's also got a manufacturing sector.

“But suddenly, it's trapped in some political-cum-personal difficulties of charges and counter-charges which can only be bad for the economy. I think the KL Stock Exchange has gone down by some 20 per cent. I don't track it, but I know it's down.

“If you have confidence that this will be resolved in 6 months or 1 year, then you buy. If it's not resolved and it goes down another 20 per cent, then you've lost...

“But I see all these problems as man-made. It's not economics. It is lack of a certain integrity in the system that you are entrusted with and you therefore run it properly.

“People can say anything they like: Singapore is undemocratic, we trip our opposition down, this, that and the other. But if you say that this government is corrupt or has mismanaged the country's resources, I'll sue you!

“And they still do that. And the Western press supports the people who say that because they want to see us down.

“But because we sue them again and again, nobody in Singapore believes that anybody is doing anything that's criminal, corrupt or improper. So we can make a mistake — and everybody knows you can't be 100 per cent right every time — but nobody has profited from that mistake.” — Singapore ST

Snippets - Peralihan Kuasa

Posted by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at July 10, 2008 12:48 PM |

Seperti biasa dalam UMNO dibawah pemerintahan Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi apabila arahan diberi melarang parti daripada sesuatu tindakan, Presiden anggap dirinya tidak tertakluk kepada arahan ini.

Berkempen untuk pemilihan dalam mesyuarat agong tidak dibenarkan, tetapi Presiden membawa semua pemimpin daripada Bahagian untuk diarah supaya tidak mencabar sesiapa selain daripada dirinya sebagai Presiden.

Gula-gula diberikan kepada Dato Seri Najib bahawa dianya juga dikehendaki bebas daripada cabaran untuk Timbalan Presiden. Ini dituju kepada Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin yang ingin bertanding Timbalan Presiden. Jika Muhyiddin bertanding juga maka ini bermakna dia tidak setia kepada parti, pengkhianat, kerana tidak hormat arahan demokratik oleh Presiden.


Najib akan dijanji peralihan kuasa akan dibuat pada 2010. Sebelum sampai tarikh keramat ini tuduhan akan dilempar terhadapnya supaya dia ternampak tidak lagi layak untuk menjadi Timbalan Perdana Menteri.

Seorang yang dianggap lebih setia kepada Dato Seri Abdullah akan menggantinya. Pengganti tidak akan ambil alih jawatan Perdana Menteri pada 2010 kerana kurang pengalaman. Dato Seri Abdullah akan bermurah hati untuk mengisi jawatan itu hingga Pilihanraya Umum ke-13.

Jika trend pemikiran rakyat berterusan Barisan Nasional akan kalah dalam Pilihanraya Umum ini dan Dato Seri Abdullah tidak akan jadi Perdana Menteri. Oleh itu tidak adalah jawatan yang hendak dialih kepada pengganti Dato Seri Najib.

Pengasas-pengasas UMNO daripada kubur mereka akan kutuk orang yang telah musnahkan parti yang mereka bentuk dan wujud guna untuk menebus maruah orang Melayu dan negara Malaysia.

Parti yang mereka tubuh sudah di hi-jack oleh Dato Seri Abdullah untuk kepentingan diri dan keluarga sehingga hancur parti dibuatnya.

Who knows what's true anymore?

Friday, 11 July 2008
This debacle must not be taken at face value. It must be treated as what it really is – a loss of trust in the institutions of justice.

By AZMI SHAROM, The Star

WHAT a messy couple of weeks it has been. First, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim is accused (yet again) of the type of love that dare not speak its name. Then out of nowhere, a private eye comes out with a statutory declaration implying that the Deputy Prime Minister was involved in the murder case of Altantuya Shaariibuu.

The very next day, the same fellow retracts his original statutory declaration and replaces it with a new one that completely leaves out any mention of the DPM. Apparently, he was coerced into making the first one.

I was asked the other day who I believed. Whose story is true?

My answer was “How the blinking heck should I know?” I am not any of the people mentioned above. I am not their friend or relative, and I was not present at any of the places where all these things were supposed to have happened.

And most of us don’t know either. That is not to say that the chattering does not stop. In fact, the chattering has got very noisy indeed.

Some are so disgusted by all these claims, counter-claims, accusations and counter-accusations that they have withdrawn in a hissy huff.

Others relish the new developments, coming up with theories and conspiracies that boggle the mind.

The Prime Minister then steps in and says all this must stop. All the second-guessing and rumour mongering is akin to treachery and is bad for the nation. The truth must not be clouded by perceptions.

Ah, the truth, the sweet, sweet truth. That is the real issue here, isn’t it?

While some refuse to give all the dirty political manoeuvrings the time of day and others add grease to its wheels, neither have mentioned the all-so-obvious – the reason this kind of garbage can occur and the reason it gets discussed so much is because we don’t know whom to trust any more. We are not confident that the truth will ever be uncovered.

However, all this hullabaloo surrounding the accusations is merely symptomatic of a justice system on the verge of collapse.

If we had a police force whom we knew with almost 100% certainty would serve the law and not the executive; if we could believe that every single judge was utterly independent of any outside influence; if we could place hand on heart and say that the Public Prosecutor would prosecute without fear or favour; then we would have a sound justice system.

And if that were the case, all these issues would be sorted out via due process and in good time. And all the conspiracies would be confined to the fringes rather than be in the mainstream of debate.

This debacle must not be taken at face value. It must be treated as what it really is – a loss of trust in the institutions of justice.

So, instead of hiding in the comfort of Astro TV or wallowing in the who-did-what-to-whom, we should instead be focused on finding a cure to the real problem. We are in desperate need of a revamp of the justice system.

This is something that we the people should keep on demanding.

And the Prime Minister should also take heed that it is well and good to tell the people to listen to the truth, but after years of judicial scandal; a police force that appears governed by the executive and not by the rule of law; an Attorney-General’s Chambers that is beholden to the political demands of the nation’s leaders; and a press muzzled by repressive laws with a government that is not afraid to use them; it is not a simple matter of not wanting to listen to the truth.

It is a matter of not ever being confident just what the truth is.

Saturday, July 12, 2008

Singapore's Success Due To Able Leaders Who Have High Integrity And Are Not Corrupted: Lee Kuan Yew

Singapore has become successful and earned the respect of the world community today because it has been governed by able leaders who have high integrity and are not corrupted, former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew said Friday night.

He said that when Singapore became independent, the country did not have any wealth or resources to develop and, in addition, was facing many threats such as from the communist terrorists and the workers' union and even problems inside his People's Action Party (PAP).

But with a first-class team of able and practical leaders who had strong will and belief in the country, Singapore managed to get out from the bad situation, Lee said at a dialogue session at the Economic Society of Singapore, here.

He said the leaders then, including himself, had to make tough decisions to develop Singapore, including changing the labour laws, uniting the people by putting the Malays, Chinese and Indians in the same flats so that they could mix together, and making the people a workable society.

He said Singapore progressed well until today because it had been managed by dedicated leaders who had a high sense of honour and level of integrity, honesty and competency and were not corrupted.

Lee also said that the country was different from others as it had no room for making mistakes.

Lee, who is currently Minister Mentor, said the country made the right decision by investing in defence and education by allocating the biggest budgets for the two sectors.

Now the "little red dot", which many Singaporeans and others refer to Singapore as, was able to defend itself and no one could just march into the country and take it over, Lee said.

He said the government also made the right move when it introduced English in the education system and put the mother tongue languages of the Chinese, Malays and Indians on equal footing.

Lee said the English language had not only become the world's most
spoken language but was also the language of the Internet world, and this had benefited the Singaporeans most.

The former prime minister also said that the present leadership should now look for new leaders to replace them when they retired in less than a decade from now.

He said that if they failed to recruit new leaders, the country would be taken over by the opposition parties who would have their own capable leaders, but he doubted that it could happen. (Bernama)

***** Singapore is of course not a perfect country. To be sure, the island nation has its share of covert discrimination and sometimes obvious prejudice, mirroring the true feelings of sections of the majority community there. But they are no where near the type of overt government-sponsored racism prevalent in Malaysia.

One cannot argue with Mr Lee Kuan Yew's claim that his country is governed by able leaders who have high integrity and are not corrupted. The converse however is true of our own country. We truly are the antithesis of Singapore, but somehow Umno seems to be genuinely proud of that fact!

Sunday July 13, 2008
Why do ours never resign?

WIDE ANGLE
By HUZIR SULAIMAN


By global standards of ministerial responsibility, Malaysia’s performance leaves much to be desired.

THE Westminster Parliamentary system, for better or for worse, is our former colonial masters’ gift to us, and to many Commonwealth countries. According to its conventions, Cabinet ministers are bound by both collective and individual responsibility.

Collective ministerial responsibility means that the Cabinet must speak with one voice. Whatever disagreements may take place behind closed doors, there must be a united front on policy matters in public.

A rare example of a Malaysian breach of the convention of collective responsibility occurred in 2005 when Deputy Natural Resources and Environment Minister Datuk Dr Sothinathan questioned the Government’s decision not to recognise Ukrainian medical degrees, and as a consequence was suspended for three months.

The Westminster principle of individual ministerial responsibility, however, is probably of greater concern to Malaysians. It is explained by Rodney Brazier in his 1997 book, Ministers of the Crown:

“Broadly, each Minister is responsible for

(1) his private conduct,

(2) the general conduct of his department, and

(3) acts done (or left undone) by officials in his department.”

Let’s look at the first responsibility: private conduct. When confronted with evidence of personal impropriety, Malaysian ministers – with the recent exception of Chua Soi Lek – usually do not resign. In other democracies, resignation, though reluctant, is still the norm.

Looking at House of Commons research papers, for example, we find that of the 125 British ministerial resignations in the 20th century, no fewer than a dozen were for reasons of “private scandal” and two were for “private financial arrangements”.

In many democracies, even unproven allegations are sufficient to provoke resignation. In November 1997 the Portuguese Minister for Defence, Antonio Vitorino, resigned following accusations that he had not paid the full property tax on his country house.

“If there are doubts or suspicions over my behaviour, the situation must be fully clarified and therefore I must take responsibility as a citizen,” Vitorino said. “In view of the way I have always conducted myself in political life, I think it is impossible to hold public office at my level under any type of suspicion.”

Among legislators more sensitive to questions of honour and shame, the desire to minimise the stain on one’s reputation can lead to tragedy. Last year, Toshikatsu Matsuoka, the Japanese Agriculture Minister, went a step further then mere resignation when, embroiled in allegations that he filed false expense claims, he hanged himself in his Tokyo flat.

Perhaps the most stringent standard for private conduct was set by Mick Young, the Australian Immigration Minister who resigned in the 1980s. His crime? He failed to declare a stuffed toy in his suitcase to customs officers when he returned to the country.

The “Paddington Bear Affair” led to his resignation but established in the minds of many the international standard of conduct for ministers – a standard of probity to which I think even Barisan Nasional supporters would agree our Cabinet does not hold itself.

So much for private conduct. What of a minister’s responsibility for “the general conduct of his department, and for acts done (or left undone) by his department”?

As Noore Alam Siddiquee of South Australia’s Flinders University wrote in 2006 in the International Public Management Review, “the principle of ministerial responsibility as seen in mature democracies is either weak or missing in Malaysia. The principle means that the minister accepts responsibility for any lapses or irregularities within his ministry and resigns from the office.

“Despite reports of numerous irregularities in various agencies at different levels, misappropriation of funds by individuals and groups and increasing volume of complaints received from the public on the quality of services and responsiveness, rarely has a minister chosen to accept responsibility for such irregularities.”

Siddiquee points out that despite the 2004 public outcry over shoddy construction projects, the then Works Minister “not only rebuffed calls for him to step down, he practically took no responsibility for the defective projects and other anomalies, and has had no problem retaining his ministerial office.”

But Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu was able to rebuff those calls for resignation – which came not just from civil society groups and Opposition lawmakers, but also from BN backbenchers – in large part due to the unwillingness of his Cabinet colleagues to apply the doctrine of individual ministerial responsibility to him, perhaps lest they themselves be judged by the same standards.

In Cabinet Governing in Malaysia (2006), Datuk Seri Dr Rais Yatim reveals how they protected Samy Vellu: “Finally, after what was a prolonged episode that almost cost him his job, the Cabinet found that he took it upon himself more than he should have shouldered. ?. The Cabinet session of 20th October 2004, chaired by Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Sri Mohd Najib Tun Abdul Razak, discussed at length the background of this public outcry. Datuk Seri Samy Vellu’s extensive reports to the session were noted by the Cabinet with the view that the Minister ought not to take it upon himself all the blame hurled by the public as there were various parties that were responsible like consultants, contractors, engineers, architects, etc.”

Following this logic, it would appear that a Minister only need resign if he were a one-man ministry, doing everything himself. In reality other parties, whether external or in the civil service, are always there to take the blame.

In Cabinet Governing Dr Rais repeatedly talks about the difficulties that ministers have with the civil service, shifting the responsibility onto them:

“It takes years to rid a public servant who misbehaves or who does not perform and by the sheer procedural rigmarole it involves, bosses are quite reluctant to effect the actual brunt of the General Orders.

It is instructive to know, lacking in acumen and productivity are not listed as grounds for dismissal. Neither is the inability to achieve results put in as a factor to dismiss or suspend.”

While this might perhaps be true, it is distinctly at odds with the principle of ministerial responsibility in the Westminster system, and it leads to a complete abdication of a minister’s duty of ultimate supervision.

Contrast this Malaysian blame-shifting with the 1954 resignation statement of Sir Thomas Dugdale, the British Minister for Agriculture:

“I, as Minister, must accept full responsibility to Parliament for any mistakes and inefficiency of officials in my Department, just as, when my officials bring off any successes on my behalf, I take full credit for them.

“Any departure from this long-established rule is bound to bring the Civil Service right into the political arena, and that we should all, on both sides of the House, deprecate most vigorously.”

Similarly, when in 1982 the junior British Foreign Office Minister, Richard Luce, resigned along with his two ministerial colleagues, accepting responsibility for the Argentine invasion of the Falklands, he said, “It is an insult to Ministers of all Governments, of whatever colour or complexion, to suggest that officials carry responsibility for policy decisions. Ministers do so, and that strikes at the very heart of our parliamentary system.”

In November 2002 South Korea’s Justice Minister and the prosecutor general both resigned to take responsibility for the death in policy custody of a murder suspect.

In the same year, Britain’s Education Secretary resigned because the nation failed to meet targets for child literacy and numeracy.

Last month, the South Korean Prime Minister and his entire Cabinet offered to resign in response to public unhappiness about the beef import deal South Korea has made with the United States.

Would our ministers do any of that?

Huzir Sulaiman writes for theatre, film, television, and newspapers.

PM's handover pledge seeks to buy UMNO time
From the Economist Intelligence Unit


July 13 - Datuk Seri Abdullah Badawi's July 10th announcement that he plans to step down by mid-2010 seems an attempt by the Malaysian prime minister to buy time—both for this own (probably doomed) leadership and for his party, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO).

y sacrificing the second half of his current five-year term, the prime minister may hope not only to save the first half, and thus to stay in the leadership for two more years, but also to reduce internal feuding that is undermining the overnment's stability.

Mr Abdullah's move comes as pressure continues to mount on him to step down to take responsibility for the political crisis as well as for rising inflation.

This pressure is coming both from within the highly factional UMNO—where some elements regard Mr Abdullah as an increasing liability to the party or see his problems as an opportunity to make their own power bids—and from the parliamentary opposition, which has been emboldened by its gains in the March 2008 general election.

Although the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition, of which UMNO is the dominant member, comfortably won the election, the loss of its two-thirds majority for the first time in nearly 40 years was a humiliating setback.

Sensing Mr Abdullah's weakness, the opposition Pakatan Rakyat (PR) alliance has intensified its efforts to bring down the government, a goal it hopes to achieve by September.

At the same time, recriminations within UMNO have accentuated divisions within the party, increasing the chances f an internal move to oust Mr Abdullah and, in the process, making the political crisis more acute.

Mr Abdullah's promise to step down by mid-2010, making way for his deputy, Najib Razak, is above all an attempt to gain political breathing room.

By addressing, if only in part, demands that he take responsibility for the election debacle and for the country's economic problems, he will hope to reduce the immediate pressure on him to resign.

It is almost certainly too late for him to do more than this, but he has little other option. Unless he can introduce a measure of calm into an ever more frenzied and sensationalised political scene, he risks being forced from office much sooner than 2010.

In this context, it appears that the recent talk of Mr Abdullah being provided with the means to make a graceful exit has come true.

Will the plan work?

Mr Abdullah's move has a better chance of subduing at least the worst of the harmful intrigue within UMNO than it does of stopping the opposition in its tracks.

Promising a managed transfer of power within UMNO is wholly in line with party tradition, although the hope within UMNO will be that Mr Abdullah proves temperamentally more suited than his predecessor, Mahathir Mohamad, to effecting a smooth transition.

History does not invite optimism on this front: Mr Abdullah himself was groomed for the prime minister's job by Dr Mahathir, but the outspoken former prime minister has clashed repeatedly with Mr Abdullah since the latter took office in 2003 and Dr Mahathir's constant sniping has been a key factor in the political crisis.

Dr Mahathir also, notably, fell out with a previous deputy whom he had anointed as successor, though Anwar Ibrahim did not even make it to prime minister before being ousted on now-notorious corruption and sodomy charges.

Mr Anwar has returned to the political fray to head the opposition's bid to form a government.

Although the proposed transfer of power may disappoint UMNO factions that might wish for Mr Abdullah to step down immediately, the reality is that the plan actually suits even his rivals quite well. Ditching Mr Abdullah now would plunge the party into even greater crisis, increasing the risk of the government collapsing.

At the same time, there is no one in the party who is obviously in a position to replace him at the moment. Razaleigh Hamzah, a former finance minister and a former adversary of Dr Mahathir, is the only openly declared challenger for the party leadership. But memories of Mr Razaleigh's divisive 1987 wrangles with Dr Mahathir may limit the breadth of his appeal within UMNO.

Meanwhile, Mr Najib, Mr Abdullah's nominee, is fighting off controversy over his alleged links to a murder that has become the subject of a lurid trial.

Although he has denied involvement, Mr Najib cannot realistically take over as prime minister until the dust from this scandal has cleared.

Mr Abdullah's move will not dull the intensity of the opposition's campaign to unseat him, however. The PR will continue to apply constant pressure on the government. Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, a PR lawmaker, has filed a no-confidence motion against the prime minister and his cabinet.

Meanwhile her husband, none other than Mr Anwar, continues to try to woo defectors from the BN to the opposition. The opposition needs at least 30 BN lawmakers to cross over in order to form a government.

If this were to happen, then all bets on Mr Abdullah's future—and indeed on UMNO's—would be off.

If not, Mr Abdullah is likely to contest, and win, the UMNO leadership election at the party's annual congress in December.

Assuming that he survives as prime minister until mid-2010, the main question over the rest of his term will be what he can achieve in policy terms.

There has been some suggestion that the announcement of his departure plan will turn him into a lame duck.

However, his efforts to defuse the immediate political crisis could invigorate the remainder of his term. He will have nothing to lose, and having salvaged enough short-term support from within UMNO to head off immediate challenges for the leadership, the question of his personal political future will not hang over ever policy issue.

In this scenario, Mr Abdullah could be expected to try to pursue economic reforms more energetically in an effort to establish his legacy. This would be no bad thing.

If a grudgingly united UMNO could turn its energy away from internal oliticking and towards improving the lives of its constituents, it might find a silver lining in its present crisis—and at last begin to address the deficiencies that have led to the calls for Mr Abdullah's departure.

Critics dig at PM transition deal

Wednesday, 16 July 2008

THE MALAYSIAN INSIDER ANALYSIS

His transition plan has been accepted by many in Umno and his position as party president until June 2010 appears secure but Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's three most vocal critics are not about to play dead.

Like death and taxes, he can be certain of another thing: that Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, Datuk Mukhriz Mahathir and Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad will oppose him and push him all the way.

Of the three, the most eloquent and the one with the most respect for the rule of law and following the correct process has been the prince from Kelantan. In his view Malaysia is in a state of crisis. Its institutions are decaying, business confidence has plummeted, billions have been wiped from Bursa Malaysia, capital has fled the economy, and the leadership is in deep denial.

And this crisis situation will worsen if Abdullah is allowed to hand over power to Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak in 2010 under the succession plan.

Speaking at the Banker's Club yesterday, he said: "In any normal political system, having shown such poor results, this leadership should have resigned with heads bowed. Instead we have now been handed a Transition Plan to take place in 2010, ignoring the party elections to come this December, and treating party positions as transferable personal property. They forget that party positions are elected by the combined membership of 3 million, not inherited between 2 persons. This display of entitlement, this subversion of democratic process and legality coming after our members have expressed their demand to be heard, gives cause for people to suspect that our current leadership has lost the plot.''

Many Malaysians hoped that the results of Election 2008 would be an impetus for the BN component parties to reform themselves and for the government to finally fulfill its promises.
Sadly, four months on, the country's leaders remain locked in denial and in personal politics, he said.

"Instead of heeding the message of reform sent by voters and by its own grassroots the leadership has dug in to perpetuate itself with "business as usual" practices. On its present course Umno is risking not only its own survival but also the future of the nation.

"The Party leadership needs to realize that we have reached a major decision point. Umno cannot go back to the way it had been conducting itself. It must return to being the party of the common people, a political party that was also a broad social movement calling on the
idealism of millions. At present, we risk destroying the party and plunging the nation into a spiral of decline, '' he said.

He offered his take on key institutions in the party:
o Umno leadership

"Umno appears trapped with a weakened leadership that seems to lurch from crisis to crisis. The party's democratic processes have so atrophied that it is now neither able to hold its leadership accountable nor to renew that leadership. The root of this crisis is of course that democracy has withered in UMNO. Democratic practices within the party
have been subverted one by one over the years so that now a small group holds enormous power over millions of dis-empowered members. The top down nature of power within Umno ensures the long survival and indeed the recycling of "warlords".

o Institutions
"Our key institutions are at breaking point. These include the judiciary, the police, sectors of the civil service and our schools and universities. They have been on a downward slide for a while. It is time we acknowledge this challenge openly.''

o Federal Constitution
"After fifty years of independence our Constitution has not yet been established as a living document among the people. The very principle of constitutionality and rule of law has eroded, so that even in political parties such as Umno, there is little understanding of what it means to be a constitutionally governed organisation. The implications of this are great, not least in the matters of race and religion that are our constant challenge. If we are to emerge as a confident, united people not swayed by racial or religious rabble-rousing, we must look at ways to ensure that our leaders and our people internalise the principles of the
Constitution."

Ku Li, as he is popularly known, Malaysians had two options: do nothing and watch the country tumble into a period of long-term instability and decay. Or use the opportunity to re-establish Malaysia as a democratic,united and confident country.

"We are in unusual times, calling for unusual effort and boldness in doing the right thing. I ask you all to join me in doing everything you can to make sure that the second scenario comes true for us all, '' he said.

Much more forceful but less thoughtful about his opposition to Abdullah has been Mukhriz Mahathir. The Umno exco member and MP for Jerlun has been agitating for Abdullah to step down since early March. The announcement of the date of transition of power to Najib has not altered anything.

At a closed door Umno Youth meeting yesterday, he was the odd man out - refusing to endorse the youth wing's decision to support the transition plan.

Mukhriz, who is seeking nominations to contest the Umno Youth chief's position, said that he wanted Abdullah to step down earlier.

He made his case but was ignored by Datuk Hishammuddin Hussein who set the tone of the meeting by backing the transition plan.

Across town, Abdullah's chief enemy, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, was laying it into Najib.

He said that Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin stood a good chance of beating Abdullah's anointed successor in the coming party elections.

"If Najib is not competing for the party presidency, he would be competing for deputy president. If he competes for the deputy presidency, he would be competing against Muhyiddin, and it is quite possible that Muhyiddin will win," the former party president told reporters after opening the Malaysian Indian Muslim Congress (Kimma) administration office and complaints bureau.

When asked why he was not confident that Najib would retain the deputy president's post, Dr Mahathir said "people are generally disenchanted with him".

"People perceive Najib as a very weak leader who's never had his own stand. He always merely says 'I support', 'I am very touched'. He never says anything about the people's wishes."

Mahathir has been disappointed with Najib's unwillingness to unhinge himself from the transition plan.

He has viewed Najib as the most qualified to lead the country and has urged the DPM to challenge Abdullah and force him to step down before December.

Najib's decision to embrace the transition plan has turned him into Public Enemy Number 2. The number one slot is the sole preserve of Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

Little-known Umno branch nominates Najib for party president

Saturday, 19 July 2008
(The Malaysian Insider) - Until tonight, not many people outside Pekan would have heard of Kampung Ubai. But by nominating Datuk Seri Najib Razak for the Umno president's post, this little known branch in Pahang has guaranteed its position in the limelight and set tongues wagging.

Although the nomination may not carry much weight, as the actual decision can only be made at the divisional level meetings in October and November, the Kampung Ubai Umno branch has decided to ignore the top leadership's plea of retaining the status quo.

The branch — the first in Pahang to conduct its meeting — made its decision after realising that the 2010 transfer of power from Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to his deputy Najib was considered “too long”.

“(The decision made was also due to) the failure of the current leadership to resolve the issue on the price increases for petrol and food,” branch chief Mohammad Hanapi Salleh told Bernama today.
He also said the branch had also taken into consideration the defeat of Umno and Barisan Nasional in five states in the recent general election under Abdullah's leadership.

A total of 42 of the eligible 123 branch members attended last night's meeting. Pekan Umno division which has 139 branches is also the largest division in Pahang with some 32,000 members.

This might pose a problem for Najib, also Pekan MP, who has to answer a lot of questions, particularly on his capability to control the branches within his division.

Although it may be just one branch flexing its muscle, the signal sent out may not please the top Umno leadership, particularly when the 2010 transition plan has been agreed by all state liaison chiefs as well as division leaders.

If more branches are to follow suit, the expected smooth transition plan will have to go through rough edges.

Some 13,000 branches have begun to have their meetings in stages from yesterday which will go on until Aug 24. There will be a break during the fasting month and the Hari Raya festive season before Umno divisions hold their respective meeting from Oct 9 until Nov 9.

The Umno general assembly and party elections will be held in mid-December.

Daim: Malaysia needs stability, clear policies

KUALA LUMPUR, July 22 — Former economic czar Tun Daim Zainuddin has suggested that Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi put together contingency plans to better manage the economy which is headed for tougher times and to prepare Malaysians for the worst.
Describing the current mood as bearish, he alluded to the lack of strong leadership and clear policies which he said was confusing to Malaysians as well as foreign investors.

“At present, there is a perception that the government is weak and politically not stable, and people lack confidence in it. ... They want to see where the government is heading,” he said.

Daim's views on the current economic situation was sought by Malaysian Business, his answers in the July 16 issue indicating that the man credited with the country's rapid growth in the 1990s is on the same page as his former boss Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad when it comes to Abdullah's political and economic performance to date.

Stating that he was not here to advise the government, he stressed that he was concerned the government “should not be too obsessed with the deficit” — currently around 3.2 per cent of gross domestic product — “as there must be growth too”.

Because of its concerns over the deficit, Abdullah's administration shelved a number of planned projects in 2004 when he took over the leadership from Dr Mahathir, incurring the wrath of the latter. One such project was the electrified double tracking train project. It was estimated to cost RM12 billion to build from Johor Baru to Padang Besar in 2003. Revived late last year, the cost has ballooned to RM14.5 billion — and is only for the portion from Ipoh to Padang Besar.

Daim, who holds substantial interest in the ICB Banking Group, observed that reviving these projects would be costlier now because of the increase in construction costs, a point that the federal government acknowledged recently when it allocated an additional RM20 billion for the 9th Malaysia Plan to deal with higher building expenses.

The two-time finance minister and former ally of Dr Mahathir before they fell out in 2001, was also of the view that the ringgit peg had been lifted too early — even though it was seven years later in 2005, and in response to China's scrapping of its fixed peg. “I think we rushed to remove the peg. Retaining the peg gives us flexibility,” he commented, but agreed that a strong ringgit would not harm the economy. “We just need to be efficient.”

Foreign investors were put off by the present political environment, and corruption, the judicial crisis, security and political stability had to be addressed, he said. “The government claims it is transparent and accountable but policies must be clear and unambiguous. No flip-flops. Be consistent.”

Alluding to the current administration's lack of options to deal with soaring inflation and the current economic problems, Daim, who headed the National Economic Action Council during the Asian financial crisis and was tasked with getting the country back on track, asked what the government planned to do if oil hits US$200 per barrel as predicted.

“Subsidy is out of the question. Any alternatives? The government has to think ahead and plan for the future.”

The embattled Abdullah, who recently announced a transition plan to hand over the premiership to his deputy, Datuk Seri Najib Razak, in June 2010 following the ruling Barisan Nasional's worst showing at the polls in March, has found no shortage of criticism or advice.

His harshest critic has been Dr Mahathir who yesterday, writing in his blog, suggested that the government “should really look at the whole economy” and seek ways to reduce the extra burden on the people caused by higher oil prices, “not piecemeal but in a comprehensive way”.

With his trademark sarcasm, he concluded: “Sorry, I know I am not in the government, not even in Umno.” — Singapore BT

Poll: PM's Popularity Falls To New Low

Friday, 01 August 2008 15:52
Public confidence in Malaysia's political and economic future has dwindled dramatically in recent months, with the prime minister's popularity hitting an all-time low, a survey showed Friday (1 Aug).

The independent Merdeka Center research firm found that only 28% of registered voters polled in July felt encouraged by the country's direction, a severe fall from 68% in late February.

The center said its nationwide survey of 1,030 adults was conducted by telephone 4-14 July and had a margin of error of 3.1 percentage points.

Fifty-four percent were displeased with Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's performance, compared to 42% who were satisfied _ Abdullah's worst approval rating since he took office in 2003, said the center's director Ibrahim Suffian.

The results follow a public backlash over the government's decision to hike gasoline prices by 41% in June and persistent uncertainties after Abdullah's ruling coalition lost its longtime political dominance in March general elections.

"People feel bad about economic issues. They are concerned that the political bickering in this country is not helping to generate solutions," Ibrahim told The Associated Press.

Only 8% of respondents said current consumer prices were acceptable and 20% expect the economy to improve next year, highlighting the impact of inflation that spiraled to 7.7% in June. It was the steepest climb in more than 27 years.

In an interview with The Associated Press on Thursday (31 July), Abdullah acknowledged the problem of inflation has become "regarded as a weakness of the government today," adding that his administration is considering lowering retail fuel prices despite its high subsidy bill.

In another blow to the government, 66% of respondents thought that a recent sodomy accusation against opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim was politically motivated to disrupt his career, the Merdeka Center said.

Anwar insists the accusation by his 23-year-old former aide was part of a government plot, but Abdullah and other leaders deny any conspiracy. Police completed their investigation into the allegation Thursday, but government prosecutors have not announced if Anwar would be charged.

Only 11% of the Merdeka Center's respondents believed the sodomy accusation, compared with 55% who thought it was false. The others were unsure or did not respond. Only 31% were confident that police would handle the case in a fair and transparent manner. (By SEAN YOONG/ AP)

Umno PJ Division Chief accuses PM and DPM of corruption

Friday, 01 August 2008 12:46


Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and Deputy Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak have committed corruption “of the highest order” said Capt (Ret) Dato’ Zahar Hashim, the Umno PJ Division Chief. Read his three-page letter below.

NO HOLDS BARRED

Raja Petra Kamarudin

Poll: Najib won't be good as PM

The Malaysian Insider
UPDATED
KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 1 – With confidence in Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi at a new low, how do Malaysians feel about Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak as prime minister?

A survey conducted by independent research firm Merdeka Center in the first half of July showed that there is definitely some negative rub-off from the Barisan Nasional and some of the unpopular moves by the government e.g. the recent fuel price hike, as only 34 per cent of those polled thought Najib would make a good prime minister.

As expected, 58 per cent of the people said they were dissatisfied with Umno as a political party and felt it did not reflect the "aspirations and needs of the people in Malaysia". However, a high level of satisfaction in the Pakatan Rakyat state governments – 57 per cent -- was recorded.